§ 3.37 p.m.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I rise to make a statement which the Prime Minister is making in another place at the present time, and for the convenience of the House I think it would be better to read it in the Prime Minister's own words: "On October 30 my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary explained to the House the position with regard to the discussions on Cyprus in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, and on October 31 Her Majesty's Government issued a White Paper publishing the relevant documents. This makes abundantly clear the sincere and continuous efforts which we made to make possible a conference on the basis of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation discussions. The Greek Government have subsequently issued 407 a statement commenting on the White Paper. Although Her Majesty's Government cannot altogether accept this Greek version of events, I do not think it would be helpful for me now to engage in further controversy over these past exchanges.
"It is important to note that there has been general agreement that whatever might be the appropriate final settlement, such a solution was unlikely to be reached immediately and it was therefore necessary to find an interim arrangement. It would however be necessary to ensure that such an interim arrangement did not prejudice any final solution. It was made clear that as well as a general discussion on the possible final long-term solution, particular attention should be given by the conference to this point. We still hope that the Greek Government will in due course find it possible to come to the conference table on the basis which was virtually agreed in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation discussions. We ourselves are still willing to attend on that basis.
"As the House will know, the Greek Government have tabled on the Agenda of the General Assembly of the United Nations an item entitled 'The Question of Cyprus'. Before long we may expect a debate on this item. We are quite ready to make clear our position to other members of the United Nations. We would explain in particular our own policy, which we believe to be the fairest compromise attainable in present circumstances. We would also make clear that we have tried, and still desire, to arrange a conference which would discuss not only our policy and amendments to it but also any ideas for a long-term solution. Nevertheless it would be our endeavour that the debate in the United Nations should not make agreement more difficult and should in fact facilitate the convening of the conference which once seemed so near.
"I now turn to the position in the island. Terrorism continues and has recently taken new forms. In addition to attacks on the Security Forces, on patrols and on military installations, there has been an increase in murderous violence against civilians. I regret 408 to say that nine have been murdered in the last five weeks. In countering these measures the Governor is acting throughout with the full support of his military advisers—and I would like to make it clear from the start that we have complete confidence in the Governor and his advisers, both civil and military. I must add with equal force that there is the fullest cooperation and confidence between the civil and military sides.
"Various new precautions are being taken and new measures introduced. In certain respects these have been successful. The number of ambushes is steadily falling. It is indeed because of these successes that the terrorists are turning towards attack upon unarmed civilians. In this situation the Governor is being given, and will be given, every help and support that he requires in the administrative and legislative field. At the same time, every requirement of personnel or material that the Director of Operations needs will be made available to him.
"We are convinced that by far the greatest proportion of Cypriots are tired of the whole terrorist situation, but the House will appreciate that they live in an atmosphere of fear. Until we can make further progress in attacking the evil at its root we shall not command their co-operation.
"Many suggestions—some very helpful—have been put to me and to my right honourable friend, and have been passed on to the Governor. We must, however, bear in mind that, while we are obliged to take security measures such as the dismissal of Cypriots employed in military installations and camps, we have no desire to resort to punitive retaliatory measures against the population as a whole—although such measures may be justified in special cases.
"I must now say a word about the British civilians. I would like to pay tribute to their courage. It is what we have learned to expect, and it is reinforced by the enthusiastic readiness of people in this country to volunteer for work in Cyprus. This must impress the House.
"Some criticism has been made as to the recent decision of the Governor to arm civilians. Here I am content to 409 rest upon, and support, the Governor's judgment. The legal position has of course been fully safeguarded.
"To sum up, I think the House and the country can have full confidence in the men on the spot, and we can best help them by giving them our full moral and practical support.
"There are thus two aspects of our Cyprus policy to-day. We are going forward on the one hand with a constructive policy for political progress in Cyprus, and we shall proceed quietly and unprovocatively with the arrangements contemplated under that policy. We shall also continue the search for a policy agreed by all parties concerned, inside and outside the island. But, on the other hand, we shall not be deterred by violence or the threat of violence, and we shall impose whatever measures are necessary to maintain security and good order and to prevent further loss of life. There is no contradiction between these two aspects of our policy. Peace and security are the only sure foundations for political progress. We shall combat terrorism with all possible vigour; at the same time we shall continue our efforts to reach a political agreement. It would be a great help to us in this double task if the Greek Government and the Greek Cypriot leaders would dissociate themselves from the campaign of horror and violence in the island."
§ 3.45 p.m.
§ VISCOUNT ALEXANDER OF HILLSBOROUGHMy Lords, we are grateful to the noble Earl, the Leader of the House for bringing the Prime Minister's statement on Cyprus to our notice, and we shall all, I am sure, have an opportunity of studying the statement in more detail when it appears in the OFFICIAL REPORT. However, may I, with the permission of the House, at once say one or two things upon it? First, we are glad that the statement is so firmly made that, in spite of all the rumours that have been cast about and the expressions of opinion here and there, there is apparently no difference or disunity between the Governor and the military commanders. That is a point of considerable importance and of great substance in considering what has to be done in the future.
410 Then I should like to say this: that it is time, I think, that the leaders of the E.O.K.A. movement and others allied with them in Cyprus understood something of the reactions in this country to the turn of events which has taken place in the last few weeks. All parties in the State have been simply horrified at the form of murders adopted against the civilian population—people quite defence-less in themselves—for which there can surely be no justification whatsoever, either on political or on any other ground. I should have thought that, however much Archbishop Makarios might consider that he had made an offer which might have been taken up rather differently, it was high time that he repudiated any responsibility for and asked for a change to be made in that policy of murder and violence which has, I think, shocked the whole world as well as the members of our own nation.
On the other hand, I am glad to know that the Government do not propose to be deterred by violence. I am glad to know that they especially stress that they are going to try to get a political settlement. Situations like this have arisen in other countries, in other parts of the Commonwealth in which we have been interested, and the like, but we have always found at the last that in truth you have to have a political settlement, even though sometimes you may have to shake hands with those who have been responsible for really abominable crimes. That has actually taken place; and it is in cases like that of, say, Ireland, where that had to follow and did follow, that it is found that, after too long a maintenance of hate and too long a violent struggle, that country then does not remain in the Commonwealth. I think that all that wants careful attention when the Government are, quite rightly, pursuing their efforts to come to a political settlement.
The only other doubt that I have about the statement concerns the reference which is made to "the population as a whole". If I may just quote it—because I have had the advantage of a copy of the statement from the noble Earl the Leader of the House—it says:
we have no desire to resort to punitive retaliatory measures against the population as a whole"—411 I should have thought that that would have been taken for granted in any case—although such measures may be justified in special cases".I wish I could have some clarification of that passage, as to whether it would in fact be proposed to take action against the population as a whole in special cases or whether perhaps the wording is a little unfortunate.Apart from that, I should like to say how grateful we are for the information given. It cannot hold off for very long the desire of your Lordships to debate the situation there, but in view of what the noble Earl the Leader of the House has reported to us, through the Prime Minister's statement, of the possibility of a debate in the General Assembly of the United Nations Organisation on the Greek resolution, I think one might wait a few days and see how the proposed arrangements for that go before fixing a date. However, I should be glad to have an assurance that, as soon as the date when the debate is to begin in the United Nations is indicated, we might then have a very early date fixed for a general debate in your Lordships' House on Cyprus.
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I am obliged to the noble Viscount. Of course, there are, such questions as the United Nations debate to be considered, and perhaps we might know a little more about that and about timing next week. I should like to thank him, too, for his reference to the Governor and his military advisers. There is not only no disagreement between them but they are, as I have said, working in most complete harmony, and that should be known everywhere. Again, whatever the political feelings are, and however strong the political views that are held on either side may be, there can be no justification whatever for this campaign of callous murder, and it should be denounced by all responsible people.
In regard to this matter of retaliatory measures which might be applied in special cases, I think that refers to such things as curfews and fines which have been used in the past in certain circumstances. I think there is no new meaning which should be attached to that particular phrase.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEMy Lords, is the noble Earl going to tell us any more about the arming of civilians? Are those who receive arms from the Government enrolled in a special constabulary scheme? Are arms available also for other nationals who are in danger, such as the Turks and friendly Greeks?
THE EARL OF HOMEMy Lords, I should like any particular matters of that kind put down at a later stage.
§ VISCOUNT STANSGATEMy Lords, I would only say that the whole situation bears a ghastly resemblance to the situation I remember very well thirty-five years ago, when the same arguments were advanced in favour of the Black-and-Tans and failed then.