THE PARIS INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON THE SEVENTH DAY OF REST. (Hansard, 8 August 1890)

§ THE EARL OF HARROWBY

My Lords, I have been informed by the Prime Minister that he will willingly grant the Return for which I ask, but perhaps your Lordships will allow me to say a few words to explain why I think it is desirable that this very remarkable document should be laid on your Lordships' Table. I do not know whether your Lordships observed, during the International Exhibition in France, that the Ministry of Commerce of the French Government assembled in its buildings what I believe to have been an unprecedented International Congress in connection with the question of the Seventh Day of Rest for the whole population. The point of view from which they looked at the matter was entirely the social and sanitary one. It was not a question of religious observance or anything of that kind, though, of course, persons interested in the question from that point of view took part in the Congress. It is a matter of special interest that the Government of the French Republic should have assembled a Congress of this kind last year in Paris, as it is impossible not to remember that, only 100 years before, the Republican Government of that day had banished Sunday, with all its Christian associations, from the calendar, and had established a tenth, instead of a seventh, day of rest. This very remarkable Congress, which was brought together by the French Government, was composed of all kinds of persons and of all classes of society from all parts of Europe. Those who composed it were principally men of business in the different ranks of life—men well-versed in all the transactions of ordinary life. They represented an 221 extraordinary movement which has been spreading rapidly over the whole Continent of Europe during the last four or five years, and one which I think we should take note of in England. I am specially moving for this Return, because I think it will afford information of great value to the working people of this country; and I wish to call the attention of the Trades Unions, and of the Societies connected with the various trades, and of the great Friendly Societies, such as the Odd Fellows, Foresters, and the like, who are watching the progress and are desirous of improving the condition of the working classes. Now, let us see what was the actual composition of this Congress. It was composed of many business and distinguished and leading men in the world—civil engineers, architects, directors of journals, physicians, surgeons, railway directors, railway managers, manufacturers, iron masters, managers of mines, painters, and working men, and people of all kinds who were desirous of furthering this important movement. They came from many countries—France, Belgium, Brazil, Germany, Holland, Norway, Sweden, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, on the Continent of Europe, were all represented, as well as Great Britain and the United States of America. The President of this remarkable Congress was a man who is well-known over Europe, M. Léon Say. The honorary President was President Harrison, of the United States, who wrote a letter strongly recommending that further steps should be taken in the matter, and expressing a warm interest in the movement, as well as an intense appreciation of the Sunday as a day of rest. What was the object of the Congress? Its aim was to examine from all social and sanitary points of view the question of the seventh day of rest, and to consider how far this enormous advantage could be secured for the working populations, especially on the Continent of Europe. It was brought together largely in consequence of the representations of the working populations in the various countries of Europe. The Congress certainly represented a deeply-felt impression among the working classes all over Europe, that they were suffering under the intense pres 222 sure of constant work without rest. England was represented by men of mark; amongst others were the leading civil engineers, Sir Joseph Bazalgette, Sir J. Coode, President of the Institution of Civil Engineers, and Sir Douglas Fox; America sent ex-President Cleveland; the President of the Swiss Republic was also a member; and many men of similar calibre took part in it. That was the character of the Congress, and now I will shortly notice the points which were brought under its consideration. The Congress sat for four days and had eight meetings, and was, as I have said, presided over by M. Léon Say. The first question considered was the utility of the seventh day of rest for the welfare of the people, both from the sanitary point of view and also from the social point of view. The arguments presented were full of interest, and are detailed in the Report for which I call. There was a full description of the various Societies all over Europe which, either independently or in connection with the working classes, are trying to secure a day of rest for all workers. Then the Congress resolved itself into sections, and considered how the question affected different trades, such as the building trade; the railway, steamer, tram, and omnibus traffic; the Post Office and telegraphists, public offices. Army administration, law courts, factories, workshops, retail shops, and so on. In the four days, at the eight meetings held, 48 resolutions, supporting in various ways the importance of the seventh day of rest, and of the Sunday, with important suggestions as to the details of various occupations, were passed at this very largely attended Congress. The very difficult question was considered whether the law should interfere to secure this day of rest to all persons, and was well argued on both sides, together with the necessary exceptions which should be made to any legislation of that kind. Those questions were all fully gone into; and I think the impression which this Report must leave upon any impartial mind was that those who discussed the matters dealt with in it were thoroughly up in all the great questions of the day with which it was connected, and were men of strong sense and judgment. Two points struck me in reading this Report: first, 223 that this claim of the working men from all parts of the world to recover the seventh day of rest was based upon their feeling of the need for more rest and for more opportunities for the enjoyments of family life; and, secondly, the grave importance attached (most wisely) by this remarkable Congress to changing the day for payment of wages, so that the working people of Europe should not receive their pay on Saturday or Sunday but on any other day, preferably on the Friday. That, as your Lordships are probably aware, is the practice in many parts of England, and it is one of the most useful arrangements for the benefit and welfare of working people; and I am glad to see that the Congress gave its imprimatur to the non-payment of wages on Saturday and Sunday as a matter of great import to the social and family life of the working classes. This Congress, before it separated, decided to have a permanent Committee to watch this matter of the securing of the Sunday's rest from a centre in Paris; and since that Congress was held, I think it is interesting to note that this movement is spreading still further in Europe. I see that in Berlin there is a Government Bill on the Table of the Legislature, which follows very much the lines of the judgment expressed by the German working classes by means of a plébiscite taken on this question by the German Government. It was somewhat surprising, then, to find that, some 75 per cent. of the working people in Berlin, and, I am informed, in the German Empire generally, were in favour of the prohibition by legislation of Sunday labour; And thus it comes to pass that the German Government following up the movement and in compliance with the general demand, have brought in a Bill for bidding work on Sundays in mines, factories, and workshops, preventing clerks from being worked for more than four hours on Sundays, shortening the hours of works in breweries and in other places, and hence largely reducing the amount of Sunday labour. Whether that Bill is likely to be passed or not I cannot say; and I express no opinion as to its wisdom; I only quote it as showing how strong the feeling has become in Germany on the subject. I find that in Austria also the Sunday labour question 224 is occupying the attention of the Government there, following upon the Act of 1885, which largely forbade Sunday work, and that throughout the German Empire the number of deliveries of letters has been recently largely diminished on Sundays, so as to set free the Postmen to a great extent. In Denmark and Holland there has been a large diminution of Sunday work on railways, and proposals are made for still further relief. Again, in Russia workmen from all parts of the Empire have urgently petitioned the Holy Synod on the subject, urging that the day of rest should be secured to the workers; and in Switzerland, where much has already been done in favour of Sunday rest for the workers, the movement is still further spreading. This is surely a matter of no slight interest to ourselves and to the working classes of this country. It is a movement which ought not to be overlooked, because it means a great uprising of the working classes all over Europe to demand the Sunday's rest after a long experience of the results of the grinding system of Sunday labour which has prevailed. The Berlin Labour Conference recognised the movement. It went in the same direction, and had a remarkable result in regard to the Sunday labour of women and children. Your Lordships are well aware, of course, that the Churches of Europe would now largely support a movement of this kind. It is remarkable to observe how the Roman Catholic Church has lately adopted a much more decided position in this matter, believing that the practice of ignoring the Sunday day of rest has been the cause of much bitterness between class and class; and through some of her most eloquent preachers she has endeavoured to persuade employers to concede this Sunday rest to their work-people, and to remedy the evils arising from the incessant labour to which the working-classes are subject. Your Lordships will not have forgotten the remarkable expression of opinion which came from the great Pan-Anglican Conference of the Bishops of the English Church at Lambeth two years ago. With complete unanimity the 145 Bishops of the English, Colonial, and American Churches made an appeal to employers to do all they could to check the growing inclination for Sunday 225 amusements, which would lead to an increase in the practice of Sunday labour for the working people, and to preserve the priceless advantage of the Sacred Day of Rest to the whole of the population. The present aspect of things in Europe as regards the seventh day of rest, which I have described as bearing upon what is passing in this country, is surely very remarkable and worthy of all study. Your Lordships will surely not have forgotten how, in response to that appeal of the Pan-Anglican Conference, the English Press published a most earnest appeal imploring the upper classes and employers of labour to assist the Bishops in their efforts to prevent Sunday being turned into a day of labour, and denouncing in the strongest terms the selfishness of some of the wealthy and leisured classes in this matter. So far, the example of England's regard for the Seventh Day's rest has been largely quoted in their controversy, and I doubt not that the securing of the enormous boon of a Sunday of rest which has been more and more increasing among Continental workmen is largely owing to the noble example of England. I ask for this Return, specially hoping that, as the Report of the Paris Congress will be there translated into English, it will fall into the hands of the great working class Trade Associations of Great Britain, in order that they may secure the blessing for those who do not enjoy it in this country, and help their brethren on the Continent in obtaining it. I want English workmen to become aware how great the sufferings of the Continental workmen have been from the sacrifice or the want of the blessing of Sunday rest. I want to remind the English workman, who now has his Sunday rest, that it is necessary to struggle to keep it, and I want also to remind the English workman who has not got his Sunday rest that the whole opinion of his class and of the educated classes in Europe is coming round in that direction; and that if he struggles; bravely like those of his class on the Continent who are obtaining it, he will secure the right which others have so long enjoyed. This is no trifling matter, if your Lordships look upon it merely from, the sanitary or the social point of view. Most of your Lordships, probably, 226 who support the Institution of a Seventh Day of Rest, would urge its observance, as I also should do, owing to your firm belief in its Divine character and obligation as a gift from God; others support it because they hold that the Sunday day of rest is essential to the welfare of the human race, rather from a social and sanitary than from a religious point of view. But, whatever our reasons may be for supporting it, we are practically one in earnestly desiring the day of rest for all. Let us, therefore, do our best to aid those who are engaged in the struggle to recover this great blessing, this ineffable boon, which will do more than anything else will to encourage the family life and to promote the comfort and happiness of the working classes, and also to create a good feeling between rich and poor, employer and employed, in every civilised country throughout the world.