HL Deb 15 March 1881 vol 259 cc1042-5
EARL GRANVILLE

My Lords, on Sunday last a report of one of those fearful crimes, crimes which are not only dangerous to society, not only dangerous to the cause of order, but most dangerous to the cause of liberty, reached this country. After many abortive attempts on the life of the Emperor Alexander II., success has at last attended the assassins, chiefly owing, as it seems, to the generous and courageous impulses of the illustrious victim. Alexander II. succeeded to the Throne in 1855, at a moment of such difficulties as shattered the strong physical and mental powers of his Predecessor. He had the moral courage, notwithstanding the pride of a Military Monarchy, to put an end, in the interest of his subjects, to a war which had not been successful. The master of innumerable soldiers, a judicious and a kind-hearted man, those who knew him best are convinced that he remained to the end of his life desirous of peace, although he was sometimes overborne by the public opinion of his people, by the not unnatural ambition of his Army, and by the force of circumstances. My Lords, this is hardly the place or the time to discuss either the success or failure of the internal measures of a foreign Government; but I think that it is impossible not to respect a reign which has extended over more than a quarter of a century, which began with an almost general amnesty, in which during its continuance attempts were made to entirely re-model the civil administration of the country, to purify the Courts of Justice, and to establish and greatly extend the local self-government of the country in substitution for centralization, to entirely reform the Land Laws of an enormous Empire, cover the Empire with a network of railways, to promote education, to secure the freedom of the Press, and, above all, to free 23,000,000 of agrarian slaves and restore to them their full legal rights. It is hard that one who had done so much, and attempted more for the good of his country, should be the victim of an outrage which has filled with indignation all civilized countries. Messages of condolence by Sovereigns, by Governments, by Parliaments of States, both in Europe and beyond the Atlantic, have been sent. There may be in this country a difference of opinion as to the exact political relation that ought to exist between Russia and ourselves; but there is absolutely no difference of opinion as to the indignation and detestation with which the people here view a crime like this, and as to their deep sympathy with the people of Russia, who have in such an untoward manner lost their Sovereign. My Lords, I may mention that Her Majesty has already expressed personally her sentiments of grief and sorrow for what has passed—the untimely death of one with whom she was not only related, but also connected by the marriage of two of her children; and Her Majesty has given the Government orders to convey those sentiments in a still more formal way. I feel perfectly certain that your Lordships are desirous that we should, in the name of England, Scotland, and Ireland, record in the most solemn manner our participation in similar sentiments, and that your desire is that such sentiments should be conveyed to the Emperor and people of Russia.

Moved, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty to convey to Her Majesty the expression of the indignation and deep concern with which this House has learned the assassination of Her Majesty's relative and ally His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, and to pray Her Majesty that she will be graciously pleased to express to His Majesty the present Emperor, on the part of this House, their abhorrence of the crime, and their sympathy with the Imperial family of Russia and with the Government and people of that country.—(The Earl Granville.)

THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD

My Lords, I am sure your Lordships will express with earnestness your respectful sympathy with Her Majesty the Queen in the affliction which has fallen so unexpectedly upon her. The relations between the Queen of this country and the Emperor Alexander II.—the most beneficent Prince that ever filled the Throne of Russia—were of a peculiar nature; they cannot rank among the ordinary ones which exist between Sovereigns. Between Her Majesty and the Emperor there existed ties of intimate and lifelong friendship strengthened by domestic relations of great felicity and satisfaction. This friendship, although it had to endure, by the ordinance of Providence, great trials, was one which, on more than one occasion, was exercised in a beneficial manner by both Sovereigns for the welfare of the two countries. The horrible murder of a Prince and an ally, of a connection so near and dear, must have been the cause of much agitation to Her Majesty. It has disturbed the feelings of all Europe—Europe which, as one nation, is alarmed and indignant. But of all countries of Europe, I know none—not even Russia itself—that can have heard of this catastrophe with greater horror and greater sympathy than our own. The Emperor of Russia had one daughter, to whom he was passionately attached, and who returned to him an adoration quite equal to his own. That daughter is a Princess of England. It was yesterday, in high festivities of Court, we beheld with pride and grati- fication the brightness of her intelligence, the naturalness of her demeanour. My Lords, her woe must be very great. My Lords, I know all your Lordships will feel that in a case like this consolation is vain. But though solace may be impossible, sympathy will have a voice; and I cannot but believe that when it is now offered to our Sovereign and her suffering child, it will be appreciated, coming, as it does, from this illustrious and ancient House.

On question, agreed to, nemine dissentiente.

Ordered, That the said Address be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.