HL Deb 28 April 1876 vol 228 cc1817-28
LORD BLACHFORD

rose to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Whether he can lay before the House information respecting the disturbances reported to be taking place in the Island of Barbadoes? The noble Lord said, their Lordships must have read both the alarming and the composing accounts which had appeared respecting the state of Barbadoes. As those accounts were so conflicting, he thought their Lordships would think him justified in asking the Government for such information as they could convey to the House with reference to the riots said to have occurred. About a week ago a telegram in these terms appeared in The Times— Riots throughout the island. Plantation houses sacked; animals destroyed. Enormous destruction of property. Over 40 rioters shot. Troops actively employed. City threatened. Business suspended. Families seeking shipping. Rioters repeat they have Governor's sanction. Hennessy's immediate recall requisite to save Colony. No doubt the language of that telegram had a sensational appearance, but it came from a very respectable body, the West India Committee; and it was followed by another telegram received by the Colonial Bank, in which it was stated, that in the riots some 40 persons were killed and wounded, and 500 made prisoners. These, however, were in striking contrast with telegrams received concurrently by the Government, of which the first was addressed by Governor Hennessy to the Secretary for the Colonies on the 22nd instant— In consequence," he said, "of a robbery in a provision ground the police fired on the mob, and one man is said to be shot. Similar events have occurred in August last and in previous years, Governor Hennessy went on to say— In consequence of the planters' panic I have telegraphed for more troops from Jamaica, Demerara, and Trinidad. And in a telegram of the 23rd he spoke of plunderers having been captured by the police, and stated that a proclamation had been issued announcing a Special Commission for the speedy trial of the offenders. Now, there was nothing in those telegrams from Mr. Hennessy which would have justified the statements received from the West Indian planters; but he could scarcely imagine that the Governor would have telegraphed to three other settlements for detachments of troops merely because of their panic. But, in fact, as the telegrams from the planters cooled down, those from the Governor became more alarming, and it was difficult to know what was really the case. He collected from the newspapers that the instructions given to the Governor by the Home Government were that confederation was only to be brought about by the spontaneous action of the Legislature. If that were so the Governor ought not to have taken any public steps in the matter, and still less ought he to have subjected the Legislature to any external influence. If the Governor had acted as was alleged by the West Indian planters he had taken very imprudent steps to carry out the proposed scheme of a confederation; but this it would be unfair to assume until his defence was heard through the noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies. It would be unwise to make any lengthened remarks upon the present uncertain data at the command of the public. He could not, however, help expressing a doubt whether the policy of Government in desiring to include Barbadoes in the Confederation of the Windward Islands was a sound and wise one. On the map, Barbadoes appeared merely as one of the cluster of the Windward and the Leeward Islands. But measured by population and exports, it belonged, in truth, with Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana to the larger class of West Indian Colonies, entitled by its importance to an independent Government, and capable in point of revenue of supporting one. Moreover, under the existing form of government, which he (Lord Blachford) was by no means prepared to defend in the abstract, it was so far well managed as not to require at present the same reconstitution which mismanagement had shown to be indispensable in other colonies. But this was not the question with which they had to deal at the present moment; and therefore, without going further into it, he would ask his noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies to give their Lordships what information he could with respect to the existing state of things in the Island of Barbadoes.

THE EARL OF CARNARVON

My Lords, my noble Friend (Lord Blachford) has asked a Question which in the present state of Barbadoes it is only natural he should have asked, and which I rejoice to have an opportunity of answering in my place. My Lords, I was not aware that my noble Friend intended to enter into the question of confederation. I have no objection to discussing it, and there are one or two remarks which I will now make on it; but I rather suggest that any particular opinion on this question of confederation as a matter of policy should be suspended till I have had an opportunity of laying before the House the Papers on the subject. Those Papers will show that the idea that very great advantages would result to Barbadoes and the other Windward Islands from a system of confederation was not only mine, but the idea of the noble Earl (the Earl of Kimberley) who preceded me in the Colonial Office; and that the noble Earl (Earl Granville) who preceded him was also impressed with the difficulties which are experienced under the present system, and with the advantages which a confederation would offer: and, if my memory do not fail me, I think the germ of a confederation of the Leeward Islands will be found in a despatch of Lord Cardwell. I should be sorry to be considered as holding out that confederation is a panacea for all colonial grievances. It has its advantages; but in different colonies it represents a different policy, and may be attended with different results. In Canada it was adopted for one reason, and was followed by one result; in South Africa it would be adopted for another reason, and probably be followed by another result; and in the West India Islands it would be adopted for still a different reason and no doubt be followed by a different result. But I would like to remark that the scheme of confederation to which the Government would give their sanction in the case of those Islands is one expressly limited in its character, and which would involve no increase of financial burdens on the Barbadoes treasury and no change in that constitution to which the people of Barbadoes attach so much importance. My noble Friend must also be aware that, in giving to Governor Hennessy my sanction to introduce the matter at all, I stated in the most distinct terms that confederation must arise from the spontaneous action of the Islands themselves, and that the Government would be no party to forcing it on a reluctant Legislature or a reluctant colony. Whether confederation is objected to by the colonies is a different question from that now under consideration; but I may mention that I received a numerous deputation from an influential body, the West India Committee, which stated that, so far as the principle of confederation in the abstract, they were willing to discuss it—though I admit they had considerable objection to it. We ought to remember also that the proposal of confederation was not made by Governor Hennessy, but by Sir John Seely, who had been Attorney General, and who was much respected and had great influence in Barbadoes. That gentleman proposed that a Committee of representatives should be appointed by the various Islands to consider the question of confederation. When my noble Friend asks what is the object of a confederation with reference to Barbadoes, I may say this much without desiring to enter into the question—that, looking at the different public institutions of Barbadoes, I should be sorry to say that many of them are not susceptible of great improvement and amendment. I trust much to the enlightenment of the Legislature and the public feeling of the colony; but to say that the gaols, hospitals, lunatic asylums, and other public institutions, are not susceptible of considerable improvement would be to ignore a succession of weighty despatches from different successive Governors. Passing from confederation, I admit that the important consideration at this moment is the restoration and the maintenance of public order. To that question the attention of Parliament must necessarily be directed, and with respect to it the Government will be expected to satisfy Parliament that they are using all due diligence. I am bound to say that we ought to make the fullest possible allowance for persons placed in the position of the Barbadoes colonists. They are outnumbered by a large population of another race, who are of a very excitable character; and in the West Indies there are many recollections, historical and otherwise, which are calculated to produce great alarm when unusual excitement is displayed by that population. I think that to deny that there has been lately a panic in Barbadoes would be to deny facts. That panic has been attended with results which might naturally have been expected to follow. At the same time, I have no doubt in my own mind that there has been a great deal of exaggeration in reports which have been transmitted to this country; and I think I cannot take a better mode of putting your Lordships in possession of the circumstances of the case and making you acquainted with the spirit in which Governor Hennessy has acted than by reading to the House a number of the telegrams which have passed between myself and him during the last three weeks. Those which I shall read by no means represent the amount of telegrams that have passed, but they are all those material to the points on which your Lordships should be informed. On the 29th of March I telegraphed— Representations coming from many quarters as to the great and alarming excitement arising from confederation, such as burning of canes, &c., make me anxious. Telegraph whether there is any truth in the reports. You must clearly understand that no scheme can be forced on the Colony, and you must exercise the greatest caution to prevent political agitation among the native population. On the following day, in consequence of other communications made to me, I telegraphed— Fresh statements made to me to-day of very serious riot at Prospect Plantation. Death of one man, wounding of others; apprehension of dangerous disturbances through alleged Government agitation. I have permitted and can sanction no such agitation, and I trust statement is wholly unfounded. Telegraph immediately true facts of case and what steps taken. On the 31st of March Governor Hennessy telegraphed— The Inspector General of Police reports to me officially that the agitation is caused entirely by the resident planters and the attorneys of absentees trying to rouse the native population against the Government. Public meetings are held, at which they attend armed with pistols. On last Tuesday they held two such meetings at St. Peter's, where they told the people to shout, 'God damn the Governor and Confederation,' and on the people replying, 'We are for the Queen, and Governor,' four planters presented pistols at them. A disturbance ensuing, Edward Paris, a son of a former member of Assembly, shot a Negro. The police magistrate issued his warrant for arrest of Paris, who absconded. Warrants were also issued for the arrest of three others, who came armed and fired on the people. This prompt action on the part of the magistrate, and reward offered for the arrest of Paris, have calmed all the dangerous excitement. From the first I have prevented agitation or meetings in favour of Confederation. I only allow meetings against it, not wishing to coerce the free action of those opposed. On the same day I received another telegram from him, which stated— Paris has been apprehended. The wounded Negro is alive, and no deaths have occurred. There is no foundation for alleged agitation on the part of the Government. An interval occurred after that; and under date the 22nd of April there appeared in the papers the alarming telegram to the West India Committee to which my noble Friend has called attention. On the same day I telegraphed to Governor Hennessy— I have received your two telegrams respecting disturbances. The West India Committee have also given me a telegram describing affairs as being most serious, and asking for military aid to put down the disturbances. This, however, you have rightly anticipated. I greatly regret the necessity for the military, but the preservation of order is the first object. I need hardly remind you to combine firmness with temperate action. But urge earnestly on all parties to keep from political agitation, for which there is no justification after my despatches, and which must be put down firmly as being very dangerous. Keep me fully informed by telegraph. On the same day I received a telegram from Governor Hennessy in which he described a second riot— In consequence of a robbery in a provision ground the police fired on the mob, and one man is said to be shot. Similar events have occurred in August last and in previous years. I am going at once to the scene of the disturbance. Have ordered the troops to the country stations to replace the police on duty. Under the same date he sent another telegram to this effect— I have visited the several scenes of the disturbances; the planters are much alarmed, but the sugar works go on as usual. The police have taken 30 prisoners; the military have been posted in three parishes, but there has been no occasion for them. In consequence of the planters' panic I have telegraphed for more troops from Jamaica, Demerara, and Trinidad. On the 23rd of April I received this telegram from the Governor— April 23.—Walked all through town last night, everything quiet. As tranquillity appears restored, I have, after consultation with officer in command, countermanded reinforcement from the other islands. More plunderers captured by police. Troops patrolled in rural districts, but had no necessity to act. Proclamation issued announcing Special Commission for speedy trial of offenders. On the 24th this alarming telegram, dated Barbadoes, from Mr. Leacock, a large landed proprietor, was addressed to Messrs. Daniel— Whole island open rebellion. Insurgents sacking estates. Incendiarism rife; rioters insist doing Governor's will; City threatened. Country imminent danger. Crave your moral aid. Other telegrams to the same effect, though not in such strong language, were brought under my notice, and I thought it my duty on the 25th to again communicate with Mr. Hennessy, which I did in these terms— Private telegrams brought here last night report continued and most serious disturbances. As that is inconsistent with your later telegrams received, telegraph immediately actual condition of affairs, and whether you are satisfied that reinforcements are unnecessary. On the same date he sent this reply— Continued tranquillity, no shot fired by troops, and no white person injured by negroes. Military officers inform me that there is much exaggeration. And on the 26th he sent this conclusion— No truth in the private telegrams. The Island has been quiet since Saturday. Some black troops from Jamaica, that left before my countermanding telegram, will arrive on Friday. Detachments also en route from Demerara, but will not be detained. Subsequently to that there is only one other telegram to which I shall have to call attention. The Colonial Bank had telegraphed to their agents in Barbadoes for information, and the answer they received was this— Five hundred prisoners, 40 killed and wounded. Rioting suspended; position threatened (? threatening); confidence Governor entirely gone. I may say as to that telegram that I understand it refers to the occurrence of the previous week, and not to any fresh violence; but even so it was serious enough, and I applied to Mr. Hennessy in a telegram of the 27th. I said— Private telegram reports 500 prisoners taken and 40 persons killed and wounded. Telegraph exact number of prisoners and of killed and wounded, separately, and since what day disturbances have ceased; also whether you have any apprehension of renewed outbreaks. Within the last few hours I have received through the Secretary of State for War this telegram— From Colonel Sargent, Commanding Troops, Barbadoes, to the Secretary of State for War. The Governor has shown me telegrams from and to Lord Carnarvon. I agree with him that the black troops coming in Argus will be sufficient to relieve those requiring rest. The detachment from Demerara will only be detained here for a short time. I am happy to say I have had no necessity for calling on any of the troops to fire to present time. And within the last half hour I have received this telegram from Governor Hennessy— April 28.—Disturbances ceased since Saturday; number of prisoners taken actually plundering 90; afterwards, on suspicion of rioting and having received stolen goods, 320. Killed, 1; died of wounds, 2; wounded, 16. Police fired twice. No sugar works injured. I have no apprehension of renewed outbreaks; my only anxiety is from gentlemen threatening extreme measures. Well, my Lords, I think your Lordships will regard the telegram from Colonel Sargent, coming as it does from an independent source, as certainly re-assuring. Your Lordships will also perceive that Governor Hennessy denies that there has been any agitation on the part of the local Government, and you will further see that, according to those official telegrams, there has been a vigorous suppression of the riots, but accompanied, I should hope and believe, by very little bloodshed, and no unnecessary violence. Since that time there have been no further riots. I should be sorry to under-rate any real danger that might arise. Among the West Indian population there is often a great amount of agitation—particularly at this time of the year, and any excitement in the West Indies is a matter which should always be watched with close attention by the local Government, and which calls at the hands of the Home Government for the greatest amount of precaution. I am not aware that any greater precaution could have been taken in the present case. In Barbadoes there are 600 troops and a battery of artillery, and of these 600 troops only 100 are men of the 2nd West Regiment—the remainder are White troops. Then, besides the detachments of which mention is made in the telegrams, there are 700 or 800 men and a battery of artillery in Jamaica. Furthermore, I have requested the Admiralty to strengthen the naval force of the colony in order to render additional moral force, or material force in case of emergency. There is one other point on which I wish to say a few words. Allusion has been made to some charges that have been alleged against Governor Hennessy, in this country and in the colony. The charge against the Governor is that for some reason of his own, and by some secret agency and underground methods, and in despite of instructions received from the Home Government, he has appealed to the passions of the Native population in order to put a violent and indefensible pressure on the propertied class. While my noble Friend (Lord Blachford) did not go so far as that, I think he implied that, in his opinion, Governor Hennessy had proceeded to undue lengths in the promotion of the scheme of confederation. Now, on the one hand, while a Colonial Governor, and especially a Colonial Governor in the West Indies, who exceeds the instructions given him by the Secretary of State assumes a great responsibility and commits a grand error in substituting his own unwarranted authority for the instructions of the Home Government; on the other hand, the more serious such a line of proceeding is, the greater the necessity for suspending our judgment. We ought all to remember that a Governor placed in the position of Governor of a West India Island rests on the support and confidence of the Home Government. If that support and that confidence were withdrawn, the Governor himself should be withdrawn, because he can no longer do any good service, being placed in a position which makes it absolutely impossible for him to discharge his duty. In this instance I have felt it my duty to give Governor Hennessy every opportunity for explanation, in the belief that his explanation will be satisfactory. I have asked him for an ex- planation; but I think from his telegrams he will have anticipated my instructions on that head, and that, consequently, his defence will shortly be in our hands. Within the last few days I have been inundated with a storm of applications demanding the recall of Governor Hennessy. These applications have been made in spoken words, in written communications, in telegrams, anonymously, and by persons giving their names—there has been literally no end of them; and I am sorry to say that from persons who from positions which they themselves have held ought to know the difficulties of a Colonial Governor in Mr. Hennessy's place, suggestions have been made to me in the strongest language for his instant recall. In the present state of my information, I should consider myself unworthy of the place I fill if I should encourage the belief that I may advise the Crown to recall Mr. Hennessy under the circumstances as they exist. For this there are two reasons. First, it is not the fashion in this country to judge anybody till a proper hearing is given him and he has had an opportunity of defending himself. My duty clearly is, to wait until I have received the explanation of the Governor and until the Papers shall have been laid before Parliament. Next, I put it to your Lordships whether in the interest of the colony itself, assuming that disturbances do exist there, and that they are as serious as they are represented to be, it would be wise to make a change in the chief Executive Officer. The late President Lincoln wisely remarked that there is nothing more foolish than to "swop horses" when you are crossing a stream. My noble Friend (Lord Blachford) alluded to certain expressions used by Mr. Hennessy in his Message to the Assembly. Now, words which would be perfectly harmless sometimes may be dangerous when spoken under particular circumstances or to particular persons. I will not say whether those expressions of Governor Hennessy's to which objection has been taken were altogether judicious—I am inclined to think that, at all events, they need explanation, and that the truth of the case requires it. I think I may say that without doing Governor Hennessy any injustice. On the other hand, I must remark that the opponents of Mr. Hennessy have not shown good taste or good judgment. A Defence Association formed on the Island has been resisting the measures of the Government, and I doubt very much whether it was judicious in that Defence Association to call together large meetings of the negroes, and to make speeches to them that might produce serious results. I think it would have been far wiser and more judicious to appeal to the Home Government, which was certain to listen to them. Instead of that, they appealed to a class of persons who are very excitable. The consequence has been that wherever these meetings have been held there disturbances have ensued. When they ask us to put out the fire on one side of the haystack, they ought not to play with lucifer matches on the other. Mr. Hennessy, on the other hand, in all his official acts has shown much moderation. He has appointed as President of the Legislative Council one of the eminent opponents of the Confederation, and as Solicitor General a gentleman who voted against it. Further, he has allowed officials in the service of the Crown to come over as delegates to this country to make representations against him. He has been exposed to repeated threats of assassination, so that he has shown moderation and coolness at the same time that he manifested vigour in suppressing the disturbances. On all these grounds the duty of the Home Government was to know no party, but to stand in an impartial position between the opposing parties; to bring about as soon and as effectively as possible the restoration of peace; and while with determination repressing the disturbances, to do this under no influences of panic, as panic in such a case must lead to occurrences which hereafter we should all lament.

THE EARL OF KIMBERLEY

said, he was not on this occasion going into the policy of confederation, but in justice to his noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, he must say that it was he (the Earl of Kimberley) who dictated the despatch which his noble Friend had directed to be laid before the Legislature of Barbadoes. His noble Friend wrote a despatch, in which he said he agreed with him; but he thought that his noble Friend's despatch was even more cautious than his own, and guarded the Home Government against being supposed to wish to force confederation on the Local Legislature. He thought the matter was one which might be very quietly debated by that Legislature, and when he read of the commotion to which it had given rise, he thought there must be something behind the question itself to account for that excitement. At the same time, he concurred with his noble Friend that it was necessary to be extremely cautious in the matter. He was not prepared to join in any censure on the Governor in the present state of our information. He agreed with his noble Friend that nothing could be more unfair than to condemn the Governor, who had had considerable experience in the colonies, on the unsupported telegrams and verbal statements of persons who appeared to be considerably excited. Mr. Hennessy was placed in great difficulty, and it was but fair to await explanations. He had no reason to doubt that the explanation would be satisfactory, and he sincerely trusted it would be; but on the conduct of Mr. Hennessy he desired to express no opinion at present. Although the accounts might have been exaggerated, it was now certain from the despatch read by his noble Friend that considerable disturbances had occurred, in which three persons had lost their lives and 16 had been wounded, besides many prisoners taken. This being so, he agreed with his noble Friend that the present duty of the Government and of the Governor was to restore order in the Island, and not to move in any new policy until the passions of the people were thoroughly calmed, and such policy could be discussed without putting the peace of the Island in danger. Meanwhile, he would repeat that upon the question of general policy he entirely concurred with his noble Friend, and agreed also that it would be most unjust to form a judgment upon the conduct of Governor Hennessy before hearing his defence.