HL Deb 28 June 1864 vol 176 cc411-4
LORD BROUGHAM

rose to call the attention of their Lordships to the subject of which he had given notice — he meant the state of the Brazilian slave trade—and it gave him the utmost satisfaction, having so often complained of Portugal rather than Brazil for the increase of that trade, to be able to state—as he did most confidently— that that trade had entirely ceased. Would he could say of the Cuba or Spanish slave trade, as of the Brazilian slave trade, that there remained of it not a vestige! He might be excused for stating the particulars of the cessation, because he meant on these particulars, and on the clear proof that the trade had ceased, to ground a recommendation to his noble Friend opposite for the repeal of what was called the Aberdeen Act, passed in 1845. They were all of opinion at the time of the passing of that Act that it was, he would not say a most violent, but an extreme measure, and only to be justified by the absolute necessity of the case. There was a Committee of the House of Commons in 1853 moved for and presided over by Mr. Hume. That Committee collected a great mass of evidence respecting the Portuguese and Spanish slave trade, and in that Committee there was also given the most complete proof of the entire abolition of the Brazilian slave trade. It had been increasing very much in 1845. In 1842 the number of slaves imported into Brazil was 17,000. In 1846 it increased to 50,000, and in 1848 it was no less than the enormous number of 60,000. In consequence of the nature of the Brazilian coast and its numerous small bays, our squadron, notwithstanding the zealous efforts of our gallant officers, had not succeeded in extirpating the traffic; nevertheless, in 1849, the number had fallen from 60,000 to 54,000. In 1850 it fell to 23,000; in 1851 to 3,000; in 1852 to 700; and in 1853 there were absolutely none. The Emperor on all occasions showed the most determined resolution to effect the abolition of this trade, and, by the employment of additional steamers and the adoption of other regulations, he took measures both to put an end to it and to prevent its revival. In 1850 a law passed both Chambers without opposition which made the slave trade piracy and established a special court for the trial of such offences, which had a most admirable effect. The fact was that the general public feeling of Brazil was adverse to the slave trade, as was shown by the fact that at the elections for both the general Parliament and the provincial ones the successful candidates were persons who had been most active in the suppression of the trade, and the detection and punishment of offenders; and it was only supported by a few planters. The Government gave great encouragement to the immigration of free labour, and it was found that while the profits upon plantations cultivated by slaves amounted to only 8 per cent, those obtained from plantations where free labour was employed reached 14 per cent. The result was that the Committee of the House of Commons to which he had referred reported that the Brazilian slave trade had entirely ceased, and that there was no reason to apprehend its revival. The Aberdeen Act was always acknowledged to be an extreme measure, justified only by the extreme necessity of the case, and the refusal of the Brazilian Government to renew the convention which had then just expired, and Lord Aberdeen himself in his correspondence with our envoy at Rio spoke of it as only a temporary measure intended to meet a special occasion, and authorized him to assure the Government that as soon as the slave trade ceased it would be repealed. Since 1853 the slave trade with Brazil had entirely ceased, and the necessity for that Act must, therefore, have been removed. He could not, he might add, say so much for Spain as he had for Brazil. Spain had entered into a treaty with us, by which we agreed to give her a large sum of money in consideration of her abolishing her slave trade and taking actual measures for that purpose; but the only part of the stipulations of the treaty which she had performed was to receive the money, leaving undone that for which it was to be given. He was afraid, indeed, that so long as Cuba was under the Spanish Government it would be found impossible to procure the passing of good local measures for the abolition of the infernal traffic. The result of the distribution of gold by the slave dealers, and the large profits which they made by the trade, was that they were able to corrupt the Governors of Cuba who, with but few exceptions, were thus made partners in the guilt. What was once said by a Roman orator against one whose name was chiefly known in connection with that of his illustrious accuser was equally applicable to the Spanish Governors of Cuba, Nihil tam sanctum quod non violari; nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecuniâ possit. As he had said before, the conduct of Brazil was different, and he was happy to find from a despatch of Mr. Christie, who bore no particular goodwill toward the Brazilian Government, to the noble Earl, that there was no probability of the slave trade being resumed in that quarter.

EARL RUSSELL

was happy to say that the slave trade in Brazil had been abolished by law, and did not in practice exist; at the same time he could not state that in his opinion the abolition of the slave trade was entirely owing to the change in policy in Brazil, and the laws passed in that country on that subject. The Aberdeen Act was a very severe Act, and the operation of it was severe, because while the slave trade was going on and that Act was in operation, his noble Friend Lord Palmerston, then Foreign Secretary, gave orders, through the Admiralty, by which slavers were captured in the waters of Brazil. The execution of those orders gave great alarm to the slave traders in Brazil, and they soon found that it was not any longer a profitable traffic. At the same time he readily confessed, that under the policy which Brazil had adopted and followed for many years, the Aberdeen Act had be come inoperative. But if any party were to come into power who should endeavour to restore the slave trade, they would have the opportunity of doing so if this Act were repealed. His noble and learned Friend said the present was a favourable time for the repeal of the Act; he (Earl Russell) did not think so. The Brazilian Government had chosen to suspend diplomatic relations with this country upon a ground that could mean nothing more than objection to the measures taken merely for the protection of the lives of British subjects in Brazil. He could not think that they were entitled under those circumstances to any great favour at the hands of this country. He regretted, with his noble and learned Friend, the continuance of the slave trade in Cuba.

LORD BROUGHAM

said, that if his noble Friend would read the evidence taken by the Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1853, he would be convinced that no squadron on the coast of Brazil could ever put an end to the slave trade. He ought to have mentioned that the conduct of the Brazilians to the free negroes was an example to our kinsmen in America.

LORD HOUGHTON

said, if the Brazilian Government were so anxious to get rid of the Aberdeen Act, they ought to make some arrangement, as the Portuguese had, for the establishment of Mixed Courts. They had always refused to do that, and had insisted on standing on their extreme right. It was true that the slave trade to Brazil had lapsed—[Lord BROUGHAM: Ceased altogether]—but it was quite as much owing to the Brazilians finding it to be their interest to drop it as from any other cause. He could hardly understand his noble and learned Friend's laudation of a Government which had persisted more absolutely than any other Government in refusing any approximation to a measure of emancipation of their slaves. Something was due to Mr. Christie for the persistent manner in which he had done everything in his power to improve the condition of the liberated Africans, and to induce the Brazilian Government to take some steps towards emancipation, and his perseverance in this line of conduct had gained him no little ill will there.

LORD FORTESCUE

believed that Mr. Christie's conduct during his mission had obtained the approbation of two successive Secretaries of State, and he did not see any reason for introducing his name into the debate.

LORD BROUGHAM

denied that he had introduced Mr. Christie's name unnecessarily into the debate—he had quoted Mr. Christie as the very best evidence of the discontinuance of the slave trade, and the impossibility of its revival. He had not a word to say against Mr. Christie. Quite the contrary.

House adjourned at half past Seven o'clock, till to-morrow, half past Ten o'clock.