THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDEsaid, their Lordships were aware that there had appeared in the newspapers a some- 975 what mysterious document, which purported to be a treaty signed between Austria and Prussia relating to the war in which this country was unfortunately engaged. He was not about to canvas the provisions of that ambiguous document at that moment, but he wished to ask his noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he would lay a copy of that paper on the table of the House, accompanied, as he hoped it would be, with such despatches as might have been written to or received from Her Majesty's diplomatic agents abroad, in order to enable their Lordships to interpret the paper correctly, and to show the views by which the document was regarded by this and by other Governments. It appeared to him that there was much doubt and difficulty as to the real purport and bearing of the alliance said to have been entered into. It appeared to him that the paper had as much direction in the way of defence against the Western Powers as it had against Russia. It was true the treaty contained an article which specified certain contingencies in the event of any of which Austria and Prussia were prepared to enter into hostilities against Russia; but those contingencies were now of such on absurd nature that it appeared ridiculous to put them into a serious and important State document. Those contingencies were, that in case the Russian army should cross the Balkan, or should continue to occupy the Danubian Principalities for an indefinite period of time, or should attempt the annexation of those Principalities to Russia—in the event of any of those contingencies taking place, then Austria and Prussia would be prepared to take up arms to resist any such acts. The first of those contingencies appeared to him to be perfectly absurd, inasmuch as it could scarcely come to pass that the Russian army would be able to cross the Balkan. They might as well talk of their crossing the Alps or the Apennines, inasmuch as, being only yet opposed to the Turks, they had not been able to make the least approach to the accomplishment of such an advance. The other contingencies appeared to him to be equally absurd, and they none of them pointed out or explained the real animus of the treaty. But it was rumoured that a protocol had been lately signed at Vienna by the representatives of the Four Powers, and it was possible that that document might be of a more important character 976 than the protocols which had preceded it. Judging, however, from the terms in which it was described it appeared to be little more than a repetition of an abstract proposition, which had been made before, and he had almost said of an abstract truism, with respect to the nature of the contest in which this country was engaged; but it did not pledge any party to it, nor did it insure any effective co-operation on the part of Austria and Prussia with France and England in that contest. He would ask his noble Friend to lay that Protocol also on the table of the House, accompanied, as he hoped it would be, with despatches on the subject; because, if they were to have any information at all, he thought it important that their Lordships should have the fullest that could be given with respect to these matters. What had already appeared in the published papers was little calculated to afford information on the events now passing, as the last despatch laid before Parliament was of the date of March 6, from Vienna. There was another very important subject on which he wished to say a few words. He hoped the noble Earl would inform the House when he would be able to lay upon the table those papers which he believed had been promised to be produced in the other House of Parliament—he meant with respect to our relations with Greece. He believed it was a matter of notoriety—at least, it was very currently reported in the streets of Paris and of London—that an expedition had sailed both from this country and France for the purpose of occupying the Greek territories. Such an occupation by France and England, whether separately or cojointly, appeared to him to be a matter of grave consideration; but he did not intend to enter into it at the present moment; at the same time it was so grave and delicate a subject that it deserved the fullest consideration of Parliament. He hoped his noble Friend would be able to state that it would soon be in his power to explain what were the objects of that expedition, and whether or not those objects were defined and recorded in some official document. He for one should rejoice that such an expedition had taken place. There was yet another point which had an important bearing on the conduct of the war, if it were fact. It had been reported in the newspapers that Russia had concluded a treaty with Persia and other Eastern Powers. If the rumour was true, 977 he apprehended Her Majesty's Government must have had some information upon the subject from our diplomatic agent at the Court of Teheran. The last time he had occasion to notice the case of Persia, it appeared that our diplomatic agent stationed at the Court of Teheran was absent, and that his post was filled by a subordinate officer attached to the embassy. He thought it was of the highest importance that a person of experience, character, and intelligence should, at this moment particularly, be in that part of the world, because the relations of Russia with those Eastern Powers were matter of most serious consideration. He should be glad, therefore, if his noble Friend could tell the House whether he had reason to believe that there was any truth in the report that Russia had entered into a treaty with Persia?
§ THE EARL OF CLARENDONIn answer to the first question of my noble Friend, respecting the convention that has been lately concluded between Austria and Prussia, I have only to say that the negotiations which were carried on during a considerable length of time between those two Powers were kept a profound secret from this and other Governments, and the treaty was only communicated to us confidentially after the ratifications had been exchanged. That treaty has since been communicated to the Conference at Vienna, at the same time that the convention entered into between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the Emperor of the French and the Ottoman Porte was communicated to the Conference. That communication took place on the 23rd of this month, and a protocol annexing the two conventions together was signed on the same day. That protocol has not yet been received in this country, but as soon as it is it shall be laid on your Lordships' table. With respect to Greece, I am prepared to lay before the House the fullest information we can give on the subject, and I am only sorry that the extreme pressure of business in the Foreign Office has prevented me from sooner laying those papers before your Lordships. They are very voluminous, and it is the desire of Her Majesty's Government that they should be quite complete. I hope in the course of three or four days—certainly in the course of next week—they will be produced; and I think your Lordships will then see that there have been ample grounds for that measure of coercion which has been 978 reluctantly adopted towards Greece by Her Majesty's Government, in concert with the Government of France—certainly not before it was called for. With respect to Persia, I would, in the first place, say that Colonel Sheil has not been withdrawn from the Court of Teheran, but that he is absent for the recovery of his health. But Her Majesty's representative in Persia, during his absence, Mr. Thomson, our Chargé d'Affaires at the Persian Court, is a person of great experience, and of great zeal and intelligence, and we have every reason to be satisfied with the manner in which he has conducted the affairs of Her Majesty's Government there during the unavoidable absence of Colonel Sheil. I have no reason to believe, from the intelligence which we have received either from Persia or from India, that such a treaty as that to which my noble Friend has alluded, or which has been mentioned in the papers, has been concluded between Russia and Persia. The last engagement we know of as Laving been entered into by Persia was a declaration of neutrality—a neutrality based on the ground of a determination by Persia not to vex or harass Turkey in her war with Russia; and for that purpose Persia has suspended all claims, some of them most just, which she has on Turkey. We have heard that the Russians have advanced to a small place on the Sirr, but we have no reason to believe that any treaty has been concluded between the Czar and Persia, or between him and the Government of Bokhara and Khiva.